Broward Deputies Arrest Driver Involved In Hit-and-Run That Killed Two Children In Wilton Manors

GREER, SEAN CHARLES
Sean Charles Greer, 27, of Wilton Manors, faces two counts of leaving the scene of an accident involving death, two counts of leaving the scene of an accident involving serious bodily injury, two counts of leaving the scene of an accident involving injuries, tampering with evidence, four counts of driving without a license causing death and/or serious bodily injuries and driving with a suspended license.

WILTON MANORS, FL – Broward Sheriff’s Office deputies arrested the driver responsible for the hit-and-run crash that struck six young children, killing two of them in Wilton Manors on Monday, December 27. According to authorities, physical evidence led detectives to Sean Charles Greer, 27, of Wilton Manors who was booked into the Broward Sheriff’s Main Jail Tuesday evening.

The hit-and-run occurred at approximately 2:48 p.m. on Monday, when Broward Regional Communications received a call regarding a crash with injuries near 2417 N.W. Ninth Avenue in Wilton Manors. Wilton Manors Police Department, Broward Sheriff’s deputies and Fort Lauderdale Police Department and Fire Rescue responded.

The preliminary investigation revealed that a 2009 Honda Accord Sedan, driven by a male subject, was traveling southbound on Northwest Ninth Avenue (Powerline Road) approaching the 2500 block. At the same time, a Broward County Transit bus was stopped to drop off a passenger. As the bus pulled out to continue southbound, it began to merge into the right thru lane from the edge of the roadway. At that time, the Honda approached the bus from behind. The driver of the Honda failed to allow the bus to merge and passed it, almost striking the front driver’s side as it cut in front of the bus. The Honda then veered right (west) and drove off the roadway and onto the sidewalk and driveway at 2417 N.W. Ninth Avenue, striking multiple children.

After the crash occurred, the vehicle accelerated and fled the area southbound. Six-year-old Andrea Fleming and five-year-old Kylie Jones were pronounced deceased on scene. Draya Fleming, 9, Laziyah Stokes, 9, Johnathan Carter, 10, and Andrea Fleming, 6, were transported to Broward Health Medical Center.

Physical evidence on scene and information available led detectives to identify the vehicle involved. A description of the vehicle was released among law enforcement agencies and was located at 2512 N.W. Ninth Lane in Wilton Manors. The vehicle had damage consistent with being involved in this crash. The front bumper was also missing from the vehicle, which was located at the scene of the crash.

On Dec. 28, Greer was located by Broward Sheriff’s Office V.I.P.E.R. (Violence Intervention Proactive Enforcement Response) detectives and arrested. Greer confessed to his involvement in the crash. He faces two counts of leaving the scene of an accident involving death, two counts of leaving the scene of an accident involving serious bodily injury, two counts of leaving the scene of an accident involving injuries, tampering with evidence, four counts of driving without a license causing death and/or serious bodily injuries and driving with a suspended license. Greer is also currently on probation for burglary of a dwelling in Broward County.

What’s Driving the Shortage of Home Healthcare Workers in NY? Low Wages, Advocates Say

“People who do this work love it. You have to love working with people,” says State Assemblymember Karines Reyes, who is a nurse. But she adds, “If you can get a job doing work that’s not as heavy and not as demanding and make more money, why wouldn’t you?”

Adi Talwar

On a -ecent mid December morning, Marilyn Thomas feeds Nancy Brown her lunch. Thomas has been a home health aide to Brown since 1997.

Nancy Brown and Marilyn Thomas have been together for 24 years. Brown, who just turned 80, has been severely disabled since she was 7. Thomas, Brown says, “has to take care of me because I can’t take care of myself.”

Thomas said she has kept her job as a home health aide all this time because Brown is “very much a pleasure to work with.” In general, Thomas enjoys taking care of people, cooking and cleaning—the tasks she does for Brown. Doing this work, Thomas said, “makes my day.”

But not many people are willing to do the kind of work Thomas does—not because they don’t want to, but because they can’t afford to. Almost three quarters—74 percent—of New Yorkers  needing home health aides were unable to retain a worker in 2021, according to a report by the Consumer Directed Personal Assistance Association of New York State (CDPAANYS). The shortage forces many older and disabled people to go without the care they need, or remain in hospitals and nursing homes.

With New York’s population aging and many older people opting to “age in place”—i.e. not in a nursing home—the demand for workers is expected to grow. Mercer, a consulting firm, has projected the state will face a shortage of 83,000 home health workers in just three years, the worst such shortage in the country.

Almost everyone agrees that low wages are a key reason for that. Home care workers in New York City made an average of $15.93 an hour in 2020, a report by City University of New York found. This falls far below what experts consider a living wage of $21.77 for a single adult in New York City, let alone for a person with children. Put another way, the average annual home health care salary in New York state is $28,220, according to one survey.

People do not apply for the jobs or, if they do, may turn down the position once they learn what the salary is, experts say. Or they may stay for a short time before moving on to something more lucrative or easier, such as working in a fast food restaurant. The CDPAA report found that 20 percent of people with home health aides in 2021 saw the last five of them quit the job, up from 2 percent in 2017.

COVID-19 certainly played a major role, said Bryan O’Malley, CDPAANYS executive director, with people quitting because they didn’t want to take the risk, or because they needed to care for their own children or a sick person in their household. Despite that, almost 50 percent of the clients responding to the association’s survey said a home health aide had quit because of low pay, or having found a better job. “COVID definitely made the situation worse, but it was already a crisis,” O’Malley said.

Often, the aide is reluctant to leave. “People who do this work love it. You have to love working with people,” says State Assemblymember Karines Reyes, who is a nurse. But she adds, “If you can get a job doing work that’s not as heavy and not as demanding and make more money, why wouldn’t you?”

The fight for better pay

Tracey Patterson, a home care worker from Queens, faces that dilemma every day. She says she enjoys her job but must pay rent, support three children, one of whom has special needs. “I don’t want to change to doing something else to take care of my family,” she says, but thinks that she might have to.

Brown, who lives on Roosevelt Island, has three attendants providing her with the round-the-clock care she needs. She would like to find a fourth but can’t. Other people with disabilities have a similar problem. “That’s all we ever talk about when we get together—how hard it is to find good people,” Brown says. “To get good people, we’ve got to pay them better.”

That means the state would have to pay them better, since Medicaid covers almost 90 percent of all personal care cases in New York. Advocates, many under the umbrella of NY Caring Majority, are pushing for passage of the Fair Pay for Home Care Act. Proposed by Richard Gottfried of Manhattan in the State Assembly and Rachel May of Syracuse in the Senate, it would pay home health care workers 150 percent of the minimum wage. For now that would be $22.50 an hour in New York City, for a yearly wage of about $40,000.

Setting the rate as a percentage of the minimum wage is crucial, supporters say, because as the minimum wage has gone up, pay for home health aides has not kept up. Fast food restaurants and similar positions now pay as much or more than home health care agencies and clients. With the labor shortage, some traditionally low-paying businesses have raised their pay, but the state, which sets the Medicare reimbursement for most home health workers, has not followed suit.

“This crisis has been created by stagnant wages in this sector,” says Meghan Parker, advocacy director at the New York Association on Independent Living, who attributes some of the problem to former Gov. Andrew Cuomo’s efforts to reduce the cost of long-term care. “There are just a lot easier jobs. Flipping burgers is a lot easier than going into someone’s home and doing the most intimate care.”

While not a silver bullet for the worker shortage, many advocates see raising the pay as pretty close to one. The state faced a similar crunch about 15 years ago and raised the wage to $10, which was then 162 percent of the minimum wage, according to O’Malley. “The shortage disappeared almost overnight,” he said.

Supporters say raising wages will also go at least a small way toward recognizing and protecting workers performing a vital task, who are overwhelmingly female and people of color. More than 60 percent are immigrants. Despite their being employed, PHI, a non-profit that works to improve care, found that more than half of home care workers in New York State rely on some public assistance.

Reyes would like to see them get an even larger raise than the current legislation proposes. “It should be more because that home-care worker is the difference between life and death,” she said. “If you were to ask people the price of their independence, they’d say it’s a lot more than $22 an hour.”

The Home Care Association of New York State, which represents home health agencies, has concerns, however. While agreeing that “there is an absolute workforce crisis in home care and health care broadly,” HCA’s Alexandra Fitz Blais says, “The big picture should really be considered when looking at solutions.”

“Simply increasing wages is not the long-term solution or a sustainable solution,” she added. Her members also fear that passing the extra money along to workers, without any additional compensation for the agencies that employ many of them, places a burden on those agencies.

The CUNY report estimates a raise similar to the one proposed in the bill would cost the state  under $3 billion a year. But it also anticipates a number of benefits that would more than offset that: increased spending by the workers getting higher pay, additional tax revenues and less money paid to workers in public assistance.

A similar measure was introduced last year but failed to make it through the budget. Advocates are hoping increased attention to the problem, and Cuomo’s departure, will make a difference. NY Caring Majority hopes Gov. Kathy Hochul will include money for the increase in her executive budget next month and promote it in her State of the State speech.

So far, Hochul has not taken a position on the legislation.

Picking up the slack

The home health aides shortage has ripple effects—for clients, their family, friends and neighbors, and for other health care providers. The city’s Department for the Aging estimates that some 900,000 to 1.3 million New Yorkers each year serve as unpaid caregivers to family or loved ones, about half of whom spend at least 30 per week providing that care; Many are older adults themselves, and lack the training to formally fill such a role.

READ MORE: Opinion: Unpaid Family Caregivers Need More Support

Loretta Copeland, 81, of Harlem, has an array of medical problems and is confined to a wheelchair. “I need the help because there’s so much I can’t do,” she says. She is authorized to have an aide five days a week but hasn’t been able to find that support, even though she herself worked for many years in the health field.

Copeland had to let one worker go because she would not get a COVID vaccine, and her remaining aide cannot always come. “She’s an older lady and she has her own problems,” Copeland said.

That means Copeland  must rely on friends and family, and go without things she needs or risk endangering herself. “I try to do what I can do. I do a little bit and lay down and then do a little bit more,” she says. One day she could not get out of her bathtub, even with the help of a family member, and was stuck until the relative’s husband could provide extra assistance.

But Copeland understands why people won’t take the jobs. The work is strenuous, there are no benefits and the salary is low.  “People are not going to come. They’re going to find other ways to make money,” she said.

The shortage can mean older and disabled people find themselves in nursing homes, even if they’d rather stay in their homes. Using federal government figures, Parker has calculated that about 10,800 New Yorkers want to leave their nursing homes but can’t because they can’t find a home health worker. Others find an aide who promptly quits. Then, Parker said, “A person who’s just been given their freedom winds up back in a nursing home.”

Hospitals sometimes cannot release patients because no one is available to help them recover at home. “This is an added cost to the medical facility and disruptive to the well-being of the patient,” said Reyes, a sponsor of the bill. “We need to get people out of hospitals.”

Beyond pushing for the Fair Pay bill, advocates had been  hoping for passage of the national Build Back Better legislation. The version passed last month by the House of Representatives would provide $150 billion to reduce waiting lists for home care services and improve pay for home care workers, but the package’s fate remains uncertain.

Besides wages, advocates say there are other ways to address the worker shortage, such as providing better benefits to aides, including health care and time off, as well as properly reimbursing them for all the hours they work.

READ MORE: Company Settles With Home Health Aides Seeking Unpaid Wages For Round-the-Clock Care

“Wages are a primary concern for  both workers and job seekers,” said Stephen McCall, data and policy analyst at PHI. But he also sees improved training and opportunities for job specialization and advancement as essential. “We need to think about job quality holistically,” he said.

Home care in the age of COVID

The campaign for better wages and conditions for home health aides comes less than two years after New Yorkers banged on pans every night, and sang the praises of these same “essential workers.” Although the shortage of workers had been building prior to COVID-19, the pandemic exacerbated it and brought it into focus, as nursing homes and other congregate care facilities turned into hot beds for the virus.

People became more reluctant than before to go to residential facilities as “everyone got a firsthand look at how undesirable nursing homes are,” says O’Malley.

But for residents in need of care, remaining at, or returning home, became more difficult. Workers left their clients—because they had no childcare, were sick themselves or had to care for relatives who were, or feared going out.

Deborah O’Bryant, 66, has been caring for the same person, now 97, for years, and continued to do so during the pandemic. In the depth of it, she says, no one else was out on the street as she traveled to her patients wearing two pairs of gloves, two masks and sunglasses to protect herself.

Even her client wondered why she did it. She says she has grown attached to her client—“she’s like a mother to me, like a sister”—and that she enjoys the work, although it is hard. “I care about people. I have a caring heart,” O’Bryant said. What’s more, she needs to support herself, and wouldn’t know what to do if she followed her son’s urging to retire.

During the pandemic, O’Bryant says, workers such as herself “were the doctor, the nurse and the home health aide.” O’Bryant thinks the aides deserve some kind of back pay for what they went through then, but she wonders if the state will even vote for the raise to $22.50.

“These politicians really need to look into it,” she said. “If we all stop working, who’s going to take care of the clients?’

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¿Cuál es el futuro del plan de incluir cambios en inmigración en el paquete de reconciliación del presupuesto?

Dos decisiones en los últimos días han propinado golpes noqueadores para el futuro del plan de incluir cambios en inmigración en el paquete de reconciliación del presupuesto.

CASA

Los activistas se han concentrado hoy cerca del Capitolio en diciembre para pedir al Senado que apruebe el proyecto de ley Build Back Better.

Dos decisiones en los últimos días han propinado golpes noqueadores para el futuro del plan de incluir cambios en inmigración en el paquete de reconciliación del presupuesto. El primer golpe lo propinó el 16 diciembre la tercera negativa de la parlamentarian Elizabeth McDonough.

La Cámara de Representantes había aprobado la legislación del proyecto de ley de Build Back Better o “Construir mejor” (como se le conoce en español) con una votación de 220-213 a mediados de noviembre, justo antes del receso de acción de gracias.

Tras dos rechazos, el primero (plan A) a mediados de septiembre y el segundo (plan B) a finales de septiembre, en el tercero la parlamentarian argumentó que el parole [un permiso de libertad condicional y provisional] o Plan C “no difiere mucho en sus efectos de las propuestas anteriores que hemos considerado”.

“La propuesta, que aumentaría el déficit en $131.000 millones de dólares a lo largo de 10 años, crea una clase de personas elegibles (aquellos que llevan 10 años o más en el país) que podrán optar por parole. Esta nueva clase haría elegibles al parole condicional a 6.5 millones de personas, casi el mismo número de personas que los dos planes anteriores”, agregó.

El segundo golpe llegó el domingo 19 de diciembre con la noticia de que el senador demócrata de West Virginia, Joe Manchin, ya no podía apoyar el proyecto de ley “Construir mejor” tal y como estaba escrito, e indicó que había terminado de negociar.

En medio de este panorama invitamos a Rafael Bernal, Periodista de The Hill, para hablar sobre ¿cuál es el futuro del plan de incluir en el paquete de reconciliación del presupuesto cambios en inmigración?

A continuación nuestra conversación.

City Limits · Así fue como falló en el Congreso la negociación de la protección para indocumentados

Ciudad Sin Límites, el proyecto en español de City Limits, y El Diario de Nueva York se han unido para crear el podcast “El Diario Sin Límites” para hablar sobre latinos y política. Para no perderse ningún episodio de nuestro podcast “El Diario Sin Límites” síguenos en Spotify, Soundcloud, Apple Podcast y Stitcher. Todos los episodios están allí. ¡Suscríbete!

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New Law Will Require NY Hospitals to Assess Community Impact of Closures, Mergers

Gov. Kathy Hochul recently signed the Health Equity Assessment Act, which advocates say will help address the impact of decades of hospital closures and consolidations across the state, which left certain communities—primarily low-income and neighborhoods of color—underserved when it comes to health facilities.

William Alatriste/NYC Council

A 2010 rally to stop the closure of St. Vincent’s Hospital in lower Manhattan.

When St. Vincent’s Hospital closed its doors in the West Village for the last time in spring 2010, neighbors and public health experts questioned where its patients would now go instead. How much further away is the next ER? How many minutes might it add to a patient’s trip in a potentially life-threatening situation?

Those questions arise each time a hospital closes, or shrinks: Like when Harlem’s North General Hospital shut down in 2010, or Peninsula Hospital Center shuttered in Queens in 2012, or when Kingsbrook Jewish Medical Center closed its inpatient services this past summer, part of its merger with two other East Brooklyn hospitals.

Over the last several decades, dozens of hospitals across the state have shuttered, consolidated with larger providers or pulled back services. In 2006, there were 71 hospitals in New York City alone, City Limits reported at the time; the state’s Health Department today lists just 59.

That shrinking network forces other nearby hospitals to pick up the strain—often safety net providers, like public hospitals, where patients are more likely to be uninsured or on Medicaid—and leaves some neighborhoods with fewer healthcare resources than others.

Queens, for instance, has only 1.5 hospital beds for every 1,000 residents, compared to 6.4 beds per 1,000 people in Manhattan, according to one analysis. Those differences became even more visible—and consequential—during the COVID-19 pandemic, in which Queens was particularly hard hit. During the early peaks of the crisis, officials scrambled to increase hospital capacity, setting up beds at the Javits Center and clearing CUNY dorms for use as potential medical facilities.

“The COVID-19 impact made it really clear that hospital beds and other healthcare resources are not distributed equitably around the state,” said Lois Uttley, coordinator at Community Voices for Health System Accountability (CVHSA), a coalition of public health advocates.

New legislation, signed by Gov. Kathy Hochul last week, aims to address that by changing the Certificate of Need (CON) process, the state’s main mechanism for overseeing healthcare facilities. The Health Equity Assessment Act (S.1451A / A.191A) will require any hospital or clinic applying for a CON—through which the state grants approval for major changes like a closure, merger, downsizing or new construction—to assess the impact that change will have on the communities a facility serves.

Under the law, providers will have to file a “health equity impact assessment” looking at how its plans might effect certain medically underserved groups, like low-income residents or New Yorkers with disabilities. “In some ways, you could analogize it to an environmental impact statement,” Assemblymember Richard Gottfried said during a hearing on the bill in June.

Experts and advocates say it will help officials better plan for a more equitable allocation of health resources around the state, and give patients an indirect voice in decisions that could impact their care.

“Currently, the state process of reviewing and approving and disapproving major health facility transactions is not transparent, or consumer-friendly,” said Uttley. There are no public hearings; CON decisions are ultimately made by the health commissioner and state’s Public Health and Health Planning Council (PHHPC), which critics say is disproportionately made up of health care executives rather than patient advocates.

Laurie Peek/City Limits’ Archives

Demonstrators protest the closing of Sydenham Hospital in Harlem, which shuttered in 1980.

The Health Equity Assessment legislation represents “a major step forward” in terms of “getting the voices of affected communities into the conversation,” Uttley added.

While Hochul only signed the bill last week, it was passed by lawmakers at the end of the legislative session in June; five reps voted against it in the Senate, and seven members opposed it in the Assembly. That included Assemblyman Kevin Byrne of the Hudson Valley, who said he was worried the legislation would “prolong an already burdensome” CON process and make it harder for health care facilities to grow.

“When we’re at a time trying to increase health care capacity, I’m not sure this is the right way,” he said during a June hearing on the bill.

Assemblymember Andy Goodell, a Republican who represents Chautauqua County, expressed similar concerns at the same hearing.

“I’ve had hospital administrators come to me and point out that their private physician groups were able to quickly buy the latest imaging technology or the laboratory equipment or set up a satellite office all done, designed, build, ordered, paid for, constructed before the hospital could get to first base on the CON process,” he said, according a transcript of the meeting.

But Gottfried, the bill’s sponsor, countered that the impact assessment is not expected to greatly complicate CON applications, and that the legislation exempts smaller community health centers that largely serve low-income patients.

Uttley and other supporters argue the new law will give the state more leverage in the CON approval process, to better look out for “the people who live in that community and depend on that hospital for care.”

“It makes more visible what the impact might be,” she said.


READ MORE:

  • As COVID Surges Again in NYC Shelters, Advocates Renew Call for Hotel Rooms
  • What’s Driving the Shortage of Home Healthcare Workers in NY? Low Wages, Advocates Say

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City Watch: Looking Back at NYC in 2021 & to the Year Ahead

City Limits staff talk about the biggest stories in the last 12 months; TurboVax creator Huge Ma discusses his 2022 run for State Assembly in Queens.

Ese Olumhense, Jarrett Murphy, Adi Talwar, Governor’s Office

Scenes from 2021 in New York City: Eric Adams on election night, Hurricane Ida floods, the vaccine rollout and Cuomo’s final days in office.

A lot can happen in the span of 12 months. 

Back on Jan. 1, Andrew Cuomo was sitting comfortably in the Governor’s Mansion, planning his bid for a fourth term in Albany. Mayor Bill de Blasio was beginning his final year in office, with Andrew Yang the frontrunner to replace him. And Donald Trump was trying to reverse the results of the presidential election, with far-right extremists still a few days away from rioting in the Capitol.

A year later, Cuomo is out. De Blasio is set to announce a bid for governor. And Trump is, well, still lying about the results of the presidential election.

Closer to home, there’s a new class of city councilmembers taking office—and for the first time, most of them are women, including new Speaker Adrienne Adams. Mayor-elect Eric Adams is ready to move into Gracie Mansion and take over a city struggling with record-high COVID-19 cases, a pandemic-afflicted economy, a rising murder rate and an ongoing homelessness crisis.

Much has changed over the past year, but one thing certainly hasn’t: For the 45th year City Limits covered the most important stories in the city and state. We have continued documenting movements for tenants’, workers’ and immigrants’ rights, uncovering problems in the city’s response to homelessness and holding officials accountable to their rezoning promises.

On Sunday, City Limits Executive Editor Jeanmarie Evelly joined City Watch on WBAI 99.5 FM to reflect on the most memorable stories of the past year and to look ahead to 2022.

She also discussed City Limits’ 45th Anniversary, including her comprehensive “45 Stories, 45 Years” project and her weekly Flashback Friday series.

In addition to Evelly, the Dec. 26 episode featured an interview with Queens Assembly candidate Huge Ma, the software engineer who created the TurboVax Twitter account that helped thousands of New Yorkers make their vaccine appointments.

As City Limits’ Ese Olumhense reported earlier this month, Ma is willing to trade his folk hero status for a seat in the state legislature, where he will be ridiculed by political opponents and yelled at by the neighbors he wants to represent.

Be sure to stick with City Watch and City Limits in 2022. It’s going to be an exciting year.  

Jeff Simmons · City Watch with Huge Ma and Jeanmarie Evelly

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